Book review: Why populists are winning and how to beat them by the Rt Hon Liam Byrne MP

This blog has been kindly written by Professor Diana Beech of City St George’s, University of London, where she serves as Director of the Finsbury Institute – the new public policy hub for the City of London. Diana has also recently co-authored HEPI Debate Paper 44 Preparing for Populism with Edward Venning.

Much has happened since I attended the launch of Liam Byrne’s latest book, Why Populists are Winning and How to Beat Them, on 13 April, hosted by WA Communications. We have since seen local elections in England, as well as contests for the Welsh and Scottish parliaments, that have only underscored the continued advance of Reform UK and the fracturing of the two-party system. At the same time, there is uncertainty around the Labour leadership in Westminster, which may yet result in another change of Prime Minister before the year is out.

Taken together, these developments serve as a timely reminder that the populist challenge in the UK is not receding. If anything, it is becoming more deeply embedded in the political fabric of the country and could well present a force to be reckoned with at the next General Election. Against this backdrop, Byrne’s book reads less like a diagnosis of a passing trend and more like a call to arms against a growing threat to established forms of government.

Where universities fit in

At first glance, higher education does not feature prominently in Byrne’s account. Universities are mentioned only in passing, often in relation to the now familiar observation that those with higher levels of education are less likely to vote for populist parties. As Byrne notes from previous studies of voter intentions:

 “constituencies with fewer graduates were far more likely to vote Reform; in fact, the share of adults with a degree was the single strongest predictor of low Reform support.”

Yet, placing graduates firmly in the anti-populist camp does not exonerate universities from blame in the story of why populists are winning. On the contrary, as I was reminded while co-authoring my own take on the issue in Preparing for Populism, many of the dynamics Byrne identifies implicitly raise questions about the role universities are playing, what they are getting wrong and how they might be doing more.

Perhaps, if this book were not written by a serving Labour MP, it would go further in asking whether universities – and those who work in them –  have become too closely associated with the Left; too quick to adopt positions on sensitive issues that leave others feeling ostracised; and too slow to address the consequences.

Stepping up to the challenge

Byrne’s main argument is nevertheless that populism thrives when people feel economically insecure, culturally marginalised and politically ignored. His proposed response is nothing short of a “revolution” to build a “Learning Society” – one in which knowledge, skills and opportunity are more evenly distributed across the country. In this vision, universities are not ivory towers detached from the real world, but engines of renewal that bring innovation, ideas and entrepreneurship to places that have long felt “left behind”.

This is an attractive proposition and one that aligns well with longstanding political debates about “levelling up” and regional inequality. Yet, it also runs up against the sector’s current financial realities. At a time when many institutions are in a period of retrenchment – as illustrated by the University of Essex’s recent decision to close its Southend campus – the idea of expanding into new towns and regions feels, at best, aspirational.

However, Byrne’s “Learning Society” vision need not rest on physical presence alone. In an age of AI and rapid advances in digital technologies, universities have new opportunities to rethink how they distribute knowledge and who gets to participate in it. The challenge is less about bricks and mortar than about reach, relevance and inclusion – and here, universities arguably have more agency than is often acknowledged.

Towards a “civic gospel”

This is where Byrne’s call for a “new civic gospel” becomes compelling. His argument is that British institutions must reconnect with the communities they serve, not only through the economic contributions they make, but by fostering a renewed sense of shared purpose and identity – and crucially, by communicating this in ways that resonate emotionally.

Populists, as Byrne reminds us, do not win arguments through facts alone; they mobilise feelings of pride, belonging and grievance. So, if universities are to counter this, they must learn to speak in a different register and “rediscover the language of feeling as well as fact.”

This echoes a central argument we make in Preparing for Populism, where we observe that, for too long, universities have relied on economic impact metrics and graduate salary data to justify their value. While important, such measures pale into insignificance against more emotive narratives about poor value for money, graduate debt, uneven outcomes and perceived institutional mismanagement – as exemplified by Suella Braverman’s ‘Great University Scam’ video.

Rebuilding trust and pride in place

None of this means the sector should abandon evidence in favour of rhetoric. Rather, it requires institutions to complement facts with stories that connect to people’s lived experiences. It also requires greater honesty. Rebuilding trust means acknowledging where universities have fallen short and engaging more openly with public concerns. This is particularly important in places where universities are seen as distant or dismissive, rather than embedded and responsive.

Rebuilding pride in place, a key theme in Byrne’s book, offers a powerful frame for this work. Universities, as anchor institutions, help shape the economic and cultural life of their regions. But that influence will only count if it is recognised and felt locally, not just declared in marketing brochures and strategies because it sounds good.

A moment for leadership

Ultimately, Byrne’s book is a reminder that countering populism demands a broader cultural shift in how institutions relate to the public. For universities, this means moving beyond defensive posturing and embracing a more confident, outward-facing civic role.

Again, as we argue in Preparing for Populism, disengagement comes at a cost. Institutions that fail to connect with the public mood risk becoming easy targets for those seeking to channel discontent. The question, therefore, is not simply how universities can rebut populist critiques, but whether they are prepared to anticipate and address the conditions that give rise to them.

If I were to reframe Byrne’s book for a higher education audience, it would not be as a guide on “how to beat” populists. It would instead pose a much more uncomfortable – and more important – question on its front cover, asking whether universities are willing to step up with the urgency, openness and imagination required to renew their civic purpose in an age of populism?