This HEPI guest blog was kindly authored by Fred Jacques, a Year 12 student who recently completed a week of work experience at HEPI.
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With Reform UK gaining significant ground in recent elections and opinion polls, the prospect of a future Reform government is now plausible. The party discusses education very little, instead focusing on their big, vote-winning issues such as opposing immigration and net zero. But what are Reform’s plans for higher education and what impact would these have? Their 2024 manifesto is lacking in detail, but it outlines a handful of proposals that suggest the direction a Reform government might take. They promised to:
- bar international student dependents
- make universities provide two-year undergraduate courses
- cut funding for universities that undermine free speech; and
- scrap interest on student loans.
Scrapping tuition fees for STEM degrees
Additionally, in an interview with ITV following the release of the manifesto, Nigel Farage stated that he would abolish tuition fees for STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) degrees while maintaining them for all other courses. Although this policy was not included in the 2024 manifesto, it did appear in Farage’s 2015 UKIP manifesto, suggesting it is a long-standing idea of his and therefore one that could be implemented if Reform were to win power.
While this proposal is intended to attract more students into these fields, it may not be effective. In his HEPI report, Peter Mandler argues that the current increase in the uptake of STEM degrees (the ‘swing to science’) is due to numerous factors: demographic and cultural changes, perceptions of future job prospects and subject choice at A level primarily. Government policy is less influential than these factors. Therefore, given that the swing to science is happening of its own accord because of high student demand, this policy is not even necessary, especially considering the enormous cost. If Reform do want to accelerate this trend, though, then removing the barrier of poor A level results by improving attainment in secondary schools may be more effective than targeting STEM at degree level.
Despite its possible shortcomings in attracting more students to STEM courses, the policy could still accelerate the decline in the popularity of arts and humanities degrees. While those with arts or humanities A levels are unlikely (and probably unable) to switch to a completely different field purely for financial reasons, the disparity in fee structure may discourage them from pursuing a university degree altogether. This appears to be Farage’s intention: he suggests that arts and humanities degrees are not worthwhile and ’[students would] have been better off learning trades and skills’. If this aspect of the policy is successful, then it would negatively impact students, institutions and the country. Humanities degrees are incredibly valuable: they help students develop transferable skills like communication and critical thinking that are needed in any workplace and they are a pathway into careers in law, business, or media. And without humanities degrees, who will teach Reform’s ‘patriotic’ curriculum in primary and secondary schools? The arts, meanwhile, are also valuable to the economy and positively impact culture and society.
Overall, while efforts to increase the number of students pursuing STEM degrees are commendable, this should not come at the expense of arts and humanities students. Higher education institutions should work with Reform to ensure that the contributions of these subjects are properly recognised and supported by the party, should they win power.
Two-year undergraduate courses
Reform’s policy of expanding two-year undergraduate courses to all universities across the UK would be beneficial to higher education, provided they do not replace the typical three-year degrees. These accelerated degrees are already offered by universities like Buckingham and Northumbria and have many benefits, such as allowing students to enter into work sooner and reducing the amount of debt they incur. Furthermore, students on accelerated courses are generally more focused and motivated and the more intensive nature of the courses prepares students for the workplace. These degrees are well suited to subjects like law or business and could therefore act as an alternative to some arts and humanities students who feel discouraged by Reform’s tuition fee policy.
But although these courses are a good idea in theory, there is little evidence to suggest that there is a high demand for them. Slightly older students entering higher education for the first time and wanting to progress into the workplace faster may find these courses appealing, but most typical 18-year-old undergraduates prefer the more flexible three or four-year courses. Perhaps this is due to a lack of awareness, which Reform could work to correct, but as it stands, it is unrealistic for them to expect all universities to provide these accelerated programmes, given the low demand.
Conclusion
This blog has not covered the entirety of Reform’s higher education policy, and some proposals, such as cutting funding for universities that undermine free speech, raise challenges of their own. Nonetheless, the policies discussed here do show some promise: expanding the availability of two-year undergraduate courses and encouraging more people into STEM degrees could be beneficial to the country. However, the apparent lack of regard for arts and humanities degrees is concerning and the effectiveness of the tuition fee policy is debatable, as is the achievability of the accelerated degree policy.
Perhaps the greatest flaw with Reform’s education policy, and wider policy platform, is the achievability. The party’s plans to scrap tuition fees on STEM degrees and encourage all universities to provide two-year undergraduate programmes will all come at a massive cost to the government and institutions. Reform’s policy of barring international student dependents (presumably beyond current restrictions) will also worsen the issue, as this could lead to lower numbers of international students, meaning that universities’ incomes are significantly reduced. Reform need a way to fund their policies, but according to the Institute for Fiscal Studies, Reform’s proposed savings did not add up in 2024, and they remain vague today.
With this unrealistic funding, it is debatable whether these policies would be implemented, even if Reform do win power. And with the unpredictability of modern politics, who knows if they will even get to that stage. Regardless, universities have the opportunity to work with this emerging party to challenge and shape their policy proposals to produce the best outcomes for students and the nation as a whole.
Thanx very much for this informative analysis.
The Australian conservative government more than doubled maximum fees for humanities and cut substantially maximum fees for agriculture, mathematics, education, and nursing. The changed fee maximums hardly changed student demand:
‘Overall, we estimate that the studied policy change led 1.52% of students to demand courses they wouldn’t have demanded under the old fee structure.’ (Young, Coelli, & Kabatek, 2023: 3)
As Norton (2024) points out, this is consistent with the whole point of income contingent fees, to shield prospective students from the effects of prices.
Norton, A. (2024, July 18). Job-ready Graduates price effects?: An update with 2022 enrolment data.
https://andrewnorton.net.au/2024/07/18/job-ready-graduates-price-effects-an-update-with-2022-enrolment-data/
Young, M., Coelli, M., & Kabatek, J. (2023). University fees, subsidies and field of study. Melbourne Institute working paper no. 11/23.
https://melbourneinstitute.unimelb.edu.au/publications/working-papers/search/result?paper=4751741
Interesting article. Thank you. You are, of course, right that the HE sector needs to start engaging with Reform’s policies. We should support ideas that make sense and challenge those that don’t, bringing them into the light of reasoned scrutiny.
So far I’ve seen nothing from Reform on education that isn’t a hollow, ill thought-out, proposal designed to make ‘the right noises’ rather than to ring any positive change.
For example, the abolition of fees on STEM courses would be disastrous for STEM provision and the STEM skills pipeline. As Fred rightly points out, the student demand side of the equation is not really the important limitation. Even if it were, it’s not clear that abolishing student fees for those courses would increase demand significantly. (The introduction and raising of HE fees has coincided with rising student demand.)
Rather the limitations are (i) the applicants’ prior education and achievement which means we are limited in the numbers qualified to apply to, and to succeed (without additional support) in HE; and (ii) the cost of running more STEM courses (most of which far exceed the income from fees already).
In Engineering, for example, over the past couple of years we have seen double-figure increases in applications, but, in effect, a flatlining of UK student admissions. That’s because the costs so far outstrip the revenue that the marginal cost of admitting an extra student is less than the fees income plus the economies of scale of running a larger course (with all the implications for quality that that might entail).
Limiting international student numbers would of course exacerbate this cost situation massively. Reform’s proposal would be crushingly destructive for engineering HE and, consequently, for the whole of UK industry, innovation and economic growth.
Engineering may be one of the more extreme examples in STEM, but, across the board, moving the cost for STEM tuition from the current system to the Exchequer would by necessity mean a severe cap on student numbers in those courses – exactly the opposite of what Reform professes to want. That’s because this would all end up as current spending (as opposed to lending, which is cheaper) and the bill would have to be something the Treasury could place limits on.
Of course, Reform could do away with STEM fees as part of a more radical package of changes to the HE funding system (and that might be something I would support), but Reform is not proposing that, because, if they were, that would have been the headline policy, not the selective abolition of fees.
As with some many of Farage’s “policies”, his HE ideas shouldn’t actually be dignified with that word, because a policy should be something supported by thoughtful use of evidence to develop ideas that might be effective in practice.
I might disagree profoundly with a policy (such as ban on trade unions, removing the vote from women, capital punishment) because I don’t like what it might seek to achieve, but that doesn’t stop it being a ‘good’ policy for those who agree with the intended outcome. Sometimes I might disagree with a policy because, even if the intention is good, it might not work as intended.
However, the reason I say many Reform’s ‘policies’ – such as the policy on STEM fees – don’t deserve to be called that is because there is no intention to go beyond a slogan. There is no thinking behind the idea other than an appeal to an audience. With even the slightest exposure to sunlight, these policies crumble like vampires at the end of a Hammer Horror.
That said, as Fred says, the HE sector needs to start taking on such vacuous pronouncements unless we want to confront a day when we have a government that’s trying to conjure a reality out of unchallenged bluster.
University degrees fall into 3 main categories :
1 Public Sector related
From Medicine to Social Workers.
These are degrees in name only as they are teaching and testing for skills and competence
They mostly follow the same curriculum
2 Science, Technology, Engineering, Maths etc
Plus the ology degrees from sociology to Psycology and Architecture , Accountancy, Law and other traditional Professional jobs
Variable curriculum across locations
3 Other degrees
This includes humanities, languages, arts, etc
Variable curriculum
All level 5 to 7 students should be taught AI, Communication and soft skills
With this approach Reform should come up with new and different policies
A